The current Russian law, Article 228, Russian Criminal Code(1), reads as
follows:
The production, circulation, or advertising of pornographic works, printed
publications, pictures or any other articles of a pornographic character, and
also the trading therein or the possession with the goal of sale or
dissemination... shall be punished by deprivation of freedom for a term of up
to three years, or a fine of up to three months' minimum pay, with the
mandatory confiscation of the pornographic articles and the means of their
production.
Anyone who has been to Russia in the past six years would probably be surprised
to learn that there is an anti-pornography law on the books or that it is still
enforced.
Certainly, a casual survey of the wares of table merchants in urban underpasses
would reveal that pornography (although its popularity has declined) is still
in abundance on the streets.
In spite of (or perhaps because of) this situation, there is a general interest
in controlling the spread of pornography and there are constantly new ideas and
new laws to deal with the perceived menace of such material.
Recently, for example, the Russian General Procuracy and the Ministry of
Culture proposed an anti-pornography amendment to the Press Law. But the sale
of pornography seems restricted only by market forces.
Such legislation is often motivated by the wrong forces. Igor Kon notes
correctly that anti-pornography rhetoric is often voiced by conservatives who
are far more interested in restoring control over individual liberty than in
protecting society.
Rather than illustrating how conservatives use pornography for political
leverage, some say there is a agenda behind anti-pornography legislation under
the Soviet and post-Soviet regimes. They argue that the bases of the
conservative sexual agenda have remained unchanged since Soviet times and are
symptomatic of more serious problems in Russian democratisation. These pundits
day anti-pornography agenda, in fact, is historically founded in
anti-democratic ideals.
